By Harriet Jones, Paul Addison
A better half to modern Britain covers the foremost topics and debates of 20th-century heritage from the outbreak of the second one global struggle to the top of the century.
- Assesses the impression of the second one international battle
- Looks at Britain’s position within the wider international, together with the legacy of Empire, Britain’s ‘special courting’ with the U.S., and integration with continental Europe
- Explores cultural matters, comparable to category cognizance, immigration and race family members, altering gender roles, and the effect of the mass media
- Covers family politics and the economic climate
- Introduces the various views dominating ancient writing in this interval
- Identifies the major matters that are prone to gasoline destiny debate
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Additional info for A Companion to Contemporary Britain: 1939-2000
This was the last straw for Charles de Gaulle, who used Britain’s compromised position as an excuse to veto her entry into the Common Market at the beginning of 1963. In the Commons debate on the Nassau agreement on 31 January 1963, Harold Wilson, the new leader of the Labour Party, argued that it was a nonsense to claim to have an independent deterrent while being completely dependent upon the United States to supply the means of delivery. After taking office in 1964, however, he did not reverse the decision.
The credibility of the deterrent depended entirely upon Britain’s ability to keep up with the arms race, and this placed an enormous strain on the economy and its capacity to fund science research and development. The UK spent a higher proportion of its national income on scientific research than any other Western country during the Cold War except the USA, and its economic growth rate was lower than that of most of its competitors. The bombs themselves were not the problem; it was the development of their delivery systems that proved to be difficult.
In particular, Churchill and his advisers worried about the possibility that the United States might decide to launch a pre-emptive strike during a period of tension. While concerns of this kind were consistently used to justify the British focus on nuclear strategy, it was also true that the bomb was an inexpensive way to retain global respectability. 21 A nuclear solution to defence policy provided a convenient way for successive governments to maintain a dignified presence on the world stage while simultaneously chipping away at the size and strength of more expensive conventional forces, an exercise that was undertaken in a long series of defence policy reviews, from Duncan Sandys in 1957 to John Nott in 1982.
A Companion to Contemporary Britain: 1939-2000 by Harriet Jones, Paul Addison